Traffic light: Greens, FDP and SPD have already given up before the state elections

t-online Traffic light: Greens, FDP and SPD have already given up before the state elections Gerhard Spörl • 18 hours • 4 minutes reading time Elections in East Germany Before the shock Lindner, Habeck and Scholz: The traffic light coalition is practicing self-forgetfulness, which could be dangerous. East Germany is voting, and the AfD is close to power, at least in Thuringia. But the traffic light coalition is heading for a fiasco and is already conjuring up its own end, which could come sooner than it thinks. At some point we will look back on this strange coalition of three parties that started well, faltered and then never stopped tearing itself apart. In between, the Lindners/Habecks/Scholzens decided that things had to get better, so things would get better. But these attempts at self-suggestion are behind them. Now the stage has been reached in which resignation and apathy, coupled with self-pity, are spreading in Berlin. In better times, governments made up of the FDP and CDU/CSU or the SPD and FDP also indulged in self-forgetfulness, but back then there was no strong competition from the right wing. And these coalition partners usually behaved in a fairly disciplined manner as soon as important state elections were due, which could have unforeseeable repercussions on the capital at any time. Acts of self-delusion This time, however, the traffic light government is admitting its creeping capitulation early on. The Greens now see it as a transitional government, are making the finance minister feel their contempt, are speculating about a follow-up alliance with the Union and want to put forward a candidate for chancellor, even if they are crawling around at a disgraceful 12 percent. About the person Gerhard Spörl has always been interested in global political events and changes, which of course also affect Germany's role in the international structure. He worked in leading positions in the "Zeit" and "Spiegel", was a correspondent in the USA for a while and now writes books, preferably on historical topics. Before the state elections in Saxony and Thuringia: This is why the AfD is so strong If this sum of absurdities were accompanied by self-irony, one could at least say: Don't you have anything more serious in mind - didn't you want to get the country back on track? Unfortunately, these are acts of self-delusion. In the two state elections next Sunday, both the Greens and the SPD will come in as distant finishers, while the FDP cannot even scratch the five percent hurdle, although it is promoting free parking for free citizens in town and country. Its self-forgetfulness leads to cabaret-like displacement activities. AfD promises what goes down well It has long been known that different conditions, a different approach to politics and a different climate prevail in East Germany. But the fact that a party like the SPD gives up defenselessly and the Greens are just amazed at their dwarfing is a mystery to me. In states like Saxony or Thuringia, it is simply not enough for Olaf Scholz or Robert Habeck to take a quick look around in carefully selected places without any hooliganism or riots. "The country is burning, and in its east the legacy of German unity is at stake," writes the "Süddeutsche Zeitung". Self-forgetfulness is a luxury that no one can afford. Much time has been lost. Many opportunities have been missed. The AfD has risen to become the caring party in East Germany. It has spread comfortably in the vacancy. It collects the anger, despair and annoyance at those up there in Berlin and promises what goes down well: further mining of brown coal, cheap energy from Nord Stream 1 and 2, remigration of knife-wielding immigrants, etc. But it is not only those who fear loss who find a warm place in the AfD. The upper middle class, i.e. the classic FDP clientele of doctors/pharmacists/lawyers, also sympathizes with the AfD, although, as surveys have shown, they do not want to see Björn Höcke as Prime Minister of Thuringia. Well, who then? Popularity is not enough The BSW is not a party, but a platform. It gathers around itself those who see themselves as left-wing but prefer right-wing politics. Sahra Wagenknecht is the ideal leader of a small, parasitic party with an astonishing response. There are probably fewer party members in the BSW than there are election winners who can enter the state parliaments. One more absurdity in these strange days. Sahra Wagenknecht: Your party BSW is currently doing well. In East Germany there are two prime ministers in particular who are standing up against the AfD. One is Bodo Ramelow, a solid ruler of Thuringia for ten years. He is tirelessly defending his legacy against Björn Höcke. If there were a direct election for the prime minister on Sunday, Ramelow would hardly be denied victory. Despite his popularity, the Left Party is only at 15 percent - in the last election it was twice as many. The other prime minister, Michael Kretschmer, is walking a tightrope in Saxony. When it comes to relations with Russia and oil, he argues in a similar way to the AfD. His strategy is to change the CDU by moving closer to the right without making common cause with it. Friedrich Merz can only hope that in the end the CDU will be ahead of the AfD. CDU alone carries the constitutional bow The CDU is the only established party that is good for 30 percent in both East and West Germany. It carries the constitutional bow in Saxony and Thuringia alone. That is where its strength lies. Their weakness, in turn, lies in the strength of the AfD and the pseudo-giant BSW. The formation of a coalition after the three elections (Brandenburg votes on September 22) could well be a real test for the CDU, possibly pushed by the CSU. And how will the elections in Berlin turn out? All three traffic light parties will awaken from their self-forgetfulness and go into a state of shock. Then, in their usual manner, they will explain at length why the other two have incurred greater guilt than themselves. And this could well develop into a dynamic that sweeps away the preferably silent Chancellor, his eloquent Vice-Chancellor and the pompous Finance Minister.