The Depravity of Climate-Change Denial
Risking civilization for profit, ideology and ego.
By Paul Krugman
Opinion Columnist
A trailer park destroyed by the fire that swept through Paradise, Calif., this month.CreditJohn Locher/Associated Press
The
Trump administration is, it goes without saying, deeply anti-science.
In fact, it’s anti-objective reality. But its control of the government
remains limited; it didn’t extend far enough to prevent the release of
the latest National Climate Assessment, which details current and expected future impacts of global warming on the United States.
True,
the report was released on Black Friday, clearly in the hope that it
would get lost in the shuffle. The good news is that the ploy didn’t
work.
The assessment basically
confirms, with a great deal of additional detail, what anyone following
climate science already knew: Climate change poses a major threat to the
nation, and some of its adverse effects are already being felt. For
example, the report, written before the latest California disaster,
highlights the growing risks of wildfire in the Southwest; global warming, not failure to rake the leaves, is why the fires are getting ever bigger and more dangerous.
But
the Trump administration and its allies in Congress will, of course,
ignore this analysis. Denying climate change, no matter what the
evidence, has become a core Republican principle. And it’s worth trying
to understand both how that happened and the sheer depravity involved in
being a denialist at this point.
Wait,
isn’t depravity too strong a term? Aren’t people allowed to disagree
with conventional wisdom, even if that wisdom is supported by
overwhelming scientific consensus?
Yes,
they are — as long as their arguments are made in good faith. But there
are almost no good-faith climate-change deniers. And denying science
for profit, political advantage or ego satisfaction is not O.K.; when
failure to act on the science may have terrible consequences, denial is,
as I said, depraved.
The best recent book I’ve read on all this is “The Madhouse Effect”
by Michael E. Mann, a leading climate scientist, with cartoons by Tom
Toles. As Mann explains, climate denial actually follows in the
footsteps of earlier science denial, beginning with the long campaign by
tobacco companies to confuse the public about the dangers of smoking.
The shocking truth is that by the 1950s, these companies already knew
that smoking caused lung cancer; but they spent large sums propping up
the appearance that there was a real controversy about this link. In
other words, they were aware that their product was killing people, but
they tried to keep the public from understanding this fact so they could
keep earning profits. That qualifies as depravity, doesn’t it?
In
many ways, climate denialism resembles cancer denialism. Businesses
with a financial interest in confusing the public — in this case,
fossil-fuel companies — are prime movers. As far as I can tell, every
one of the handful of well-known scientists who have expressed climate
skepticism has received large sums of money from these companies or from
dark money conduits like DonorsTrust — the same conduit, as it happens, that supported Matthew Whitaker, the new acting attorney general, before he joined the Trump administration.
But
climate denial has sunk deeper political roots than cancer denial ever
did. In practice, you can’t be a modern Republican in good standing
unless you deny the reality of global warming, assert that it has
natural causes or insist that nothing can be done about it without
destroying the economy. You also have to either accept or acquiesce in
wild claims that the overwhelming evidence for climate change is a hoax,
that it has been fabricated by a vast global conspiracy of scientists.
Why
would anyone go along with such things? Money is still the main answer:
Almost all prominent climate deniers are on the fossil-fuel take.
However, ideology is also a factor: If you take environmental issues
seriously, you are led to the need for government regulation of some
kind, so rigid free-market ideologues don’t want to believe that
environmental concerns are real (although apparently forcing consumers
to subsidize coal is fine).
Finally,
I have the impression that there’s an element of tough-guy posturing
involved — real men don’t use renewable energy, or something.
And
these motives matter. If important players opposed climate action out
of good-faith disagreement with the science, that would be a shame but
not a sin, calling for better efforts at persuasion. As it is, however,
climate denial is rooted in greed, opportunism, and ego. And opposing
action for those reasons is a sin.
Indeed,
it’s depravity, on a scale that makes cancer denial seem trivial.
Smoking kills people, and tobacco companies that tried to confuse the
public about that reality were being evil. But climate change isn’t just
killing people; it may well kill civilization. Trying to confuse the
public about that is evil on a whole different level. Don’t some of
these people have children?
And let’s
be clear: While Donald Trump is a prime example of the depravity of
climate denial, this is an issue on which his whole party went over to
the dark side years ago. Republicans don’t just have bad ideas; at this
point, they are, necessarily, bad people.
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Paul
Krugman has been an Opinion columnist since 2000 and is also a
Distinguished Professor at the City University of New York Graduate
Center. He won the 2008 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for
his work on international trade and economic geography. @PaulKrugman
A version of this article appears in print on , on Page A22 of the New York edition with the headline: The Depravity of Climate-Change Denial.
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