Shutdown debacle leaves Trump with stark choices
Updated 2036 GMT (0436 HKT) January 28, 2019
(CNN)It's as if President Donald Trump's humiliation over the government shutdown and his failed push to honor his core campaign promise never happened.
"Does
anybody really think I won't build the WALL? Done more in first two
years than any President! MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!," Trump tweeted on
Sunday night, hitting back at the overwhelming media consensus that he
had been outplayed by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.
But whether the President is simply defiant or in denial or is yet to process the lessons of the 35-day impasse that ended with his capitulation on Friday, he's facing wrenching political choices.
Going
forward, he would have to adopt a fundamental change of approach if he
is to wring money for his border wall from Congress and revive a
presidency badly damaged by his loss to Democrats in the first clash of
the new era of divided government.
But
any new strategy will expose the President to significant political
risks and require an ability to work the levers of power in Washington
that Trump was unable to show even when the GOP had a monopoly on
congressional power.
And
most dauntingly for the President, a genuine deal with Democrats would
require concessions that would force him to do something he's never
dared to do: risk angering his ultra-loyal political base.
The
unpleasant reality now facing Trump, and the unchanged political
dynamics that provoked the shutdown, are why Washington appears headed
for a second one -- or a bid by Trump to short circuit Congress by using
executive power to build the wall that could cause a constitutional
firestorm.
The President's dilemmas
will play out during a three-week short-term funding truce reached
Friday to end a shutdown that left 800,000 government workers without
multiple paychecks on-time and the nation's federal infrastructure in
chaos.
Negotiations will take place
between a panel of Republicans and Democrats from the House and the
Senate in a search for a border security plan that everyone can sign off
on.
But in an interview with the Wall Street Journal Sunday, the President held out little hope the talks would work.
"I
personally think it's less than 50-50, but you have a lot of very good
people on that board," he said, adding he doubted he would water down
his demand for $5.7 billion in wall funding.
'Fair deal' or new shutdown
Trump
warned on Friday that if he didn't get a "fair deal" on money for a
wall that Democrats vehemently oppose by February 15, government would
close again or he'd invoke emergency powers to build it.
Trump's
refusal, so far, to moderate his position does not take into account
damage to his political standing in a shutdown that now looks like a
grave miscalculation.
The impasse
aggravated moderate voters and damaged his poll numbers, as well as
united and emboldened Democrats. Trump's climbdown threatened his
standing among his grass roots army for whom his wall is an almost
mystical rallying cause.
So a second shutdown could turn into an even bigger disaster for Trump.
For
one thing, Capitol Hill Republicans who were frustrated with his
strategy over the last month might think twice about following the
President into another political dead end.
"I
don't know how any member of the administration or of Congress could
think that a shutdown was a worthy pursuit. It never is," Sen. Susan
Collins, R-Maine, said on CBS "Face the Nation" on Sunday.
And
Pelosi, basking in her victory, seems even less open to offering Trump
the kind of congressional compromise that could allow him to say he got
money for the wall and for Democrats to argue they had funded border
security.
"Have I not been clear on a wall?" the Speaker asked on Friday.
Trump in a political jam
Signs
that the sides are as entrenched as ever explain increasing
expectations that the President will declare a national emergency or
take some other executive action to reprogram money to fund the wall
when the clock runs out.
"At the end of the day the President is going to secure the border, one way or another," Trump's acting chief of staff Mick Mulvaney said on "Fox News Sunday."
But
what would be a certain court battle and a limit to the amount of funds
that the President could juggle means such a strategy might save
political face and unite his base but is unlikely to lead to swift wall
construction that could boost his 2020 re-election race.
This
political jam is the reason that the President now faces a crossroads
that could fundamentally alter the character of his presidency and
change the foundation of a political crusade that is based on scorched
earth immigration rhetoric.
The
last few weeks have made clear that Democrats who run the House of
Representatives are not going to give Trump anything that looks like his
campaign vision of a border wall without getting something serious in
return.
They would likely require
Trump to offer something on the scale of permanent protection for
undocumented immigrants brought to the US as children and even a path to
citizenship for a group known as Dreamers.
Trump
offered a temporary shield to DACA recipients and other migrants
covered by Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for three years in a bid to
break the deadlock in the government shutdown negotiations.
But
Democrats refused, reasoning that temporary protections from
deportation in return for a permanent wall was hardly a good deal.
Even
that limited offer drew fury from some of Trump's traditional
cheerleaders on the right. Putting permanent status on the table for any
undocumented migrants could cause a firestorm among supporters who see
any such move as "amnesty."
The
changed balance of power in Washington has put Trump in a deeply ironic
position that, to get the wall, he might have to do something he's never
done before: risk his connection to his base.
Could the White House go big?
Florida
Sen. Marco Rubio -- while stressing the need to first guarantee border
security -- thinks that the White House may be prepared to go far bigger
than most people think as Trump seeks to fulfill his core campaign
promise.
"I believe he's willing to
go even further and do something reasonable with people who have been
here a long time unlawfully, but are not criminals," Rubio told Jake
Tapper on CNN's "State of the Union."
Rubio,
more than most lawmakers, understands the treacherous journey that
Trump would face -- since his own presidential prospects were
eviscerated by his past willingness to compromise on the issue.
Trump
has repeatedly balked on the threshold of swapping DACA protection for
money to build his wall, in apparent concern about how his base would
respond, even when Democrats were willing to spend $25 billion on border
security that he could have spun as funding for the wall.
It's
long been a mystery why Trump, who enjoys a bond with his political
base unlike any other recent President has been unwilling to test the
limits of that loyalty. After all, though media figures like Rush
Limbaugh, Ann Coulter and Mark Levin enjoy huge audiences, no one has
ever electrified the populist, nationalist conservative movement like
Trump.
And if any Republican President has the political credibility to lead the base to an immigration compromise, it would be Trump.
But
the President has rarely made any attempt to reach out to voters beyond
his own coalition -- apparently believing he can repeat his narrow path
to 270 electoral votes that defied all the pundits again in 2020.
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