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Why is Pope Francis going to Lesbos?
- 5 hours ago
- From the section Europe
Papal
travel is a complex science: a delicate formula that has to balance
Vatican diplomatic relations, religious occasions, strategies to reach
the world's 1.2 billon Catholics - and the incumbent Pope's personal
wishes.
Pope Francis' trip this weekend to the Greek island of
Lesbos, which hundreds of thousands of refugees and migrants have used
as a stepping stone in their trip to northern Europe, clearly emerges
from the Pope's own personal desire.Migrants and refugees have always occupied a central part of his discourse - and so has his criticism of the way developed countries have dealt with this crisis.
"All too often," he said recently of migrants, "[they] meet along the way with death or, in any event, rejection by those who could offer them welcome and assistance."
But more than anything, the short visit is seen as hugely symbolic - and if you look at Pope Francis' travel record, it seems that for him, making an appearance is enough of a message.
Media power
In July 2013, his first trip outside Rome after being elected pontiff was to Lampedusa, the tiny Italian island off the coast of Libya that - like Lesbos - was becoming a symbol of the incipient migrant crisis.Ever since then, it became clear that travelling to the front line of a conflict would become a recurring feature of Pope Francis' travel agenda.
And it has also become obvious that the Vatican is increasingly aware of the symbolic power that the Pope has - and the global media attention that comes with a visit by one of the world's most popular leaders.
So the Pope is also using his seemingly unrivalled media power to shed light on certain conflicts around the world - even if this means pushing the boundaries on the definition of papal travel.
War zones
Take his trip last November to the Central African Republic (CAR), one of the poorest countries in the world, ravaged by more than three years of armed conflict between Christians and Muslims.For months after the Vatican first announced the trip, observers insisted that it posed too high a security risk for the Pope himself and the crowds that were expected to greet him in Bangui.
After all, never before had a pope visited an active war zone.
After the papal plane left the conflict has continued, but the visit did bring an enormous amount of media coverage to a conflict that ranks amongst the most under-reported war of our times.
It was the "Francis effect", in full form.
Message to mobsters
In 2014, moved by news of the savage murder by the mafia of a three-year-old child in the southern Italian region of Calabria, he travelled to the remote village of Cassano allo Ionio.At the stronghold of the local crime syndicate known as 'Ndrangheta, the Pope issued a strong message to mobsters: you are all excommunicated. And his words reverberated across the Italian peninsula, where the mafia continues to expand its tentacles.
But is there anything more than pure symbolism in the Pope's travels?
Awkward moments?
Sometimes his attempts to mediate in international conflicts are seen as naive, if not somewhat clumsy.During his trip to the Holy Land in May 2014, at the end of a mass at Bethlehem's Manger Square, he broke the news that he was inviting the then Israeli President Shimon Peres and Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas to a "day of prayer" at the Vatican.
A few weeks later, the event did take place and under the eye of the world's media the three leaders - joined by the Patriarch of Constantinople Bartholomew - shared a slightly awkward photo opportunity, during which they planted an olive tree in the Vatican Gardens.
But, ignoring the sceptics, this Pope seems keen to continue his policy of getting involved in continuing crises - visiting hotspots in what he calls the "peripheries" of the world and issuing strong calls for more mercy for the downtrodden.
This weekend's trip to Lesbos is clearly emblematic of this approach.
Pope Francis
- Born Jorge Mario Bergoglio on 17 December 1936 in Buenos Aires, of Italian descent
- Ordained as a Jesuit in 1969
- Studied in Argentina, Chile and Germany
- Became Cardinal of Buenos Aires in 1998
- Seen as orthodox on sexual matters but strong on social justice
- First Latin American and first Jesuit to become Pope, the 266th to lead the Church
- Said to be a football fan, supporting Buenos Aires team San Lorenzo de Almagro
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Some of my best friends are Trump supporters
April 16, 20169:09am
OPINION
TRUMP
supporters are, perhaps, the only group of voters in America’s history
who have been so viciously and consistently maligned, and in such a
co-ordinated manner, by both political parties. At the same time, not much is known about them, despite the recent spate of articles attempting to explain the phenomenon. The problem with that is that the authors admittedly don’t know any of the Trump supporters themselves. Well, I happen to know quite a few of them personally.
Full disclosure: first, I can’t vote because I’m not a US citizen yet, despite my best and decades-long efforts — but let’s leave the immigration system’s misplaced priorities for another day.
Second, I like to form my opinions about the candidates and their supporters independently, without taking advice from media pundits or Facebook messages from pro-Cruz acquaintances.
Third, I like both Cruz and Trump. I’m not as passionate about them as some; I’m merely pragmatic: I like anyone who can stop America’s descent into socialism or, better yet, reverse the course entirely. I also realise that America has come to a point when having big ideas is no longer enough; in order to shake up the system and get the economy moving the next president must also be a bigger-than-life mover and shaker.
Oleg in Ukraine in the early 1980s.Source:Supplied
Oleg Atbashian. Picture: Larissa ScottSource:Supplied
The occasional rare signs of passion were the ballots with crossed-out names and large capital letters saying, BLOODSUCKERS ALL; those were extracted by the KGB for handwriting analysis. Voting had become a periodic ritual of obedience and surrender before the powerful state and a reminder that we were all equal slaves in the eyes of our masters.
That memory makes American elections even more interesting. First it’s the primaries, where candidates from each political party position themselves in a circular firing squad, trying to assassinate each other’s character and reputation.
Once only a few of them remain standing, their supporters start fighting and demonising each other on social media to the point where to an objective observer every candidate looks like the most corrupt and immoral scoundrel and the worst human being who ever lived.
Finally, the two surviving candidates from each party, badly wounded and bloodied, begin to punch each other in the wounds during the general election, as their supporters continue to fight and demonise each other on social media. The one who still stands by November is then declared Leader of the Free World.
Donald
Trump gives a thumbs up to supporters after speaking at a campaign
rally on April 11, 2016 in Albany, New York. Picture: Eduardo Munoz
Alvarez/Getty Images/AFPSource:AFP
Democracy is the worst form of government, except for all the others, said Winston S. Churchill, and he had his own political wounds to prove it.
This year’s election especially fits the above caricature. The strongest fire from all media portholes and loopholes is directed at the Republican frontrunner, Donald Trump, and his supporters. They are being described as uneducated, angry, vengeful, racist, xenophobic, and plain stupid. Authors of these assumptions, mostly writing from within the Boston-New York-Washington corridor, admit that they don’t even know anyone who likes Trump.
But how can they write about what they don’t know? When the electoral map is fluid, when things are happening rapidly in real time, and when no reliable historical data exists, we rely on personal experiences and anecdotal evidence.
In the absence of such, the writers simply fill the gaps in their knowledge with their own prejudices, similar to how medieval mapmakers marked unexplored areas with “here be dragons.”
There’s a big probability that Trump supporters are, in fact, all around them, even in their own families — and the reason why these writers don’t know it, is their own snobbery.
No one likes to be called stupid, his IQ questioned, or presumed to be an unthinking herd animal, and many simply don’t have the time to stop and explain their reasons whenever a #NeverTrump activist feels like trashing Trump voters. Many simply choose to remain silent.
Supporters
gather for Donald Trump prior to a campaign rally on April 6, 2016 in
Bethpage, New York. Picture: Andrew Renneisen/Getty Images/AFPSource:AFP
Doesn’t this also describe how the majority of Americans have felt in recent decades, being constantly shamed into silence by the “progressive” media, education, and the cultural establishment?
I know this too well, having worked in New York’s “progressive” corporate environment. My co-workers would ask me about life in the USSR and I would tell them exactly what I thought about socialism and political correctness until I realised that most of them didn’t like my answers and I was only hurting myself by speaking my mind.
Some gave me frightened looks, others stopped talking with me. I might as well have told them that life in the USSR was similar to life in New York, where people had to learn to keep their mouths shut and to look over their shoulders before saying anything remotely political. So much for emigrating into a free country. It felt like history was about to repeat itself. Until now.
Consider this story: there lived an apathetic silent majority, maligned and shamed by its leaders and the official media, and they thought it would never end.
But one day a miracle happened: they suddenly heard a voice that articulated their own forbidden thoughts — something they had been afraid to articulate in public, even though it was common sense — words not dressed in flowery rhetoric and rounded sentences, but delivered roughly, in a regional accent of the common man — plain and truthful words coming from the highest pulpit in the nation.
Millions of people recognised their own voices in his, lending him their support — silently at first, but more and more vocal as time went by — to a point that they went out into the streets to defend him in the face of violent and dangerous opposition from the far Left.
Donald Trump supporters attend a rally on April 11, 2016 in Albany, New York. Picture: Eduardo Munoz Alvarez/Getty Images/AFPSource:AFP
Gorbachev wasn’t perfect by any measure, and yet he started a process that shook up the corrupt establishment, ended the rule of the powerful Communist Party, liberalised the economy, and opened the country to an honest debate about its problems.
The parallels with Donald Trump, his message, and his appeal with America’s silent majority are unmistakeable.
That the Soviet Union’s problems turned out to be irreconcilable wasn’t Gorby’s fault; the country had already been damaged beyond repair by seven decades of ruthless socialist experimentation.
America hasn’t yet gone that far, but the wild popularity of socialist Bernie Sanders with the “screaming minority” of young voters may be an indication that this election may be America’s last exit before the road ends off a cliff.
Giving voice to the silent majority is one of the factors why Trump leads in the race. Some other factors will become clear if we look at some of his individual supporters. I know who they are because they aren’t afraid to open up to me.
They know that unlike the above established essayists, I won’t be calling them names or trying to shame the silent majority back into silence. For the same reason I’m not using their real names.
Soviet
President Mikhail Gorbachev makes a point to News Corporation chief
executive Rupert Murdoch during the latter's Kremlin visit in Moscow,
1991.Source:Supplied
JACK
Jack is an accomplished classical musician, a fine wordsmith, a long-time conservative, and a devout Christian. When a broken shoulder made him unable to hold the instrument, he used his sharp, perceptive mind and his degree in economy to make himself a fortune in the financial markets. Now he can afford to relax and write novels.
Jack gave me his take on the demonisation of Trump and the stereotyping of his supporters as poorly educated, low-information rubes.
According to Jack, both the Republican and the Democrat establishments are corrupt and dysfunctional, but the one thing they can do well is manufacture media narratives that infect people’s minds with notions that are beneficial to the respective branch of political aristocracy, while causing aversion to anything that endangers it.
Trump is a clear and present danger to this corrupt and elitist system. He is willing and fully able to blow to smithereens all their carefully established social hierarchies and to change the entire political culture, which will make the elites unnecessary and expose the uselessness of their cherished and very expensive apparatus.
The GOP establishment’s fear and loathing of Trump is so intense that even losing the election to Hillary seems to many of them a lesser evil.
The same establishment remained ineffective throughout the Obama presidency. Obama didn’t threaten their careers and each one of his disastrous policies was to them a lucrative fundraising opportunity.
In contrast, Trump threatens their very survival — and suddenly the establishment’s speed and effectiveness is phenomenal. Their quickly constructed #NeverTrump narrative is targeting conservative “purists” and diehard Ted Cruz supporters, infecting them with hostility that reaches and surpasses the ill-famed Bush Derangement Syndrome.
The sad irony of the #NeverTrump movement is that these self-proclaimed “true conservatives” and “anti-establishment rebels” have swallowed the establishment’s narrative hook, line, and sinker.
Worse yet, they now indiscriminately share social media links from previously despised leftist sources, as long as they attack Trump. So much for their stereotyping of Trump supporters as gullible, angry jerks.
Jack isn’t a Cruz-hater. In fact, he would just as much like to see Ted Cruz become president, if he can win in the general election — which is unlikely. Like most Trump supporters I know, Jack doesn’t treat other candidates with the same hostility.
There’s no organised #NeverCruz movement to speak of, and no one except Cruz supporters are creating blacklists targeting the other side. Jack is sad to see that so many good, previously sane people have succumbed to the #NeverTrump lunacy.
Supporters
shout for Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders as he speaks
at a campaign rally Monday, April 11, 2016, in Buffalo, New York.
Picture: Mel Evans/APSource:AP
MIKE
My other friend, Mike, who is a conservative writer, approaches this from a different angle. He likes Ted Cruz because Cruz has all the right answers, but that’s not enough. Mike compares Cruz to a professor who can recite the chemistry textbook by heart.
Trump, on the other hand, is a wild man who wants to use the formulas in that same textbook to blow away our enemies. At this point in history we don’t need a professor, we need the wild man.
BRENDAN
Brendan is an immigrant from Ireland, who says that when he came to the U.S., he expected to see an American leader to be more like John Wayne — a decisive and confident guy with swagger — and not like Pee Wee Herman or a European-style spineless socialist.
Brendan has spent years working on New York construction projects, including some that involved Donald Trump. He witnessed Trump getting personally involved with contractors and workers without any mediators, not afraid to get dirty and drive a hard bargain.
Trump has never lost his lower-class accent he picked up growing up in Queens, and he was never accepted by the snooty New York elites as their own. But he has always been liked and accepted by the working classes as a “people’s billionaire.”
He doesn’t see anger among Trump’s supporters, but rather optimism and love for the country. He also scoffs at those who compare Trump to Mussolini or Hitler. Trump has been in the public eye for almost 70 years, running a large business, producing a TV show, and nobody ever complained about him acting like a despot.
Don’t you think that if Trump had the slightest trace of a dictator in him, someone would have brought it up and the media would have trumpeted it all over the world?
Brendan also likes Ted Cruz and shares many of his ideas. But even if Cruz is president, says Brendan, he’ll be lucky if he’s able to implement at least 10 per cent of those ideas in practice.
Trump, with his ability to overcome obstacles, will probably get at least 70 per cent done. Brendan may not share 100 per cent of Trump’s ideas, but he would rather see 50 per cent of them implemented by Trump than 10 per cent by Cruz, or 0 per cent by Bernie or Hillary.
Democratic
presidential candidate Bernie Sanders reacts to a fist waving supporter
as he speaks at a campaign rally Monday, April 11, 2016, in Buffalo,
New York. Picture: Mel Evans/APSource:AP
ANN
Ann has recently parted with feminism and quit the National Organization for Women (NOW) over what she describes as the betrayal of women’s rights by feminist leadership.
The politically correct, leftist feminist establishment has done nothing to oppose the oppression of women in Sharia-dominated societies, and continues to oppose any attempt to prevent the spreading of the patriarchal and misogynistic Sharia values through Muslim immigration in America. In Ann’s words, by supporting pro-Sharia multiculturalism, NOW effectively sided with male chauvinists over women’s rights.
Ann isn’t buying the divisive argument that Trump is anti-women, saying that giving women special allowances because of their gender is condescending.
You can’t eat cake and have it, too. If you demand equal treatment, be ready for equal treatment. One can’t beat Hillary if one is too concerned with sparing her feelings. We are all adult individuals.
While fighting patriarchy in our society, she says, the radical leftist feminists went too far and destroyed manhood itself, along with fatherhood. It’s bad for the families, for the children, and especially for women.
Ann sees Trump as a successful male role model and a father figure. If he weren’t one in real life, his own children wouldn’t have turned out so well.
The Left has emasculated our men, she says. Fathers in popular culture changed from “Father Knows Best” to Homer Simpson: the butt of all jokes and the last to get the joke.
Fatherless children who grew up watching The Simpsons are father-hungry. Trump, she says, will be like the dad who comes home to an out-of-control house party, makes the kids clean up, kicks out the troublemakers, and sues their parents for damages.
Republican
presidential candidate Ted Cruz addresses a rally at the Town and
Country Resort and Convention Center on April 11, 2016 in San Diego,
California. Picture: Bill Wechter/AFPSource:AFP
She sees the European “men” who do nothing to protect their women or their nations from organised, systemic rape by Sharia-fuelled “guests,” and predicts that will happen to us, too, if we don’t change course.
She sees the spineless millennials wishing for Bernie Sanders to ensure their perpetual childhood, and she blames the leftist education for crippling their minds and souls. The worst part is that these young doormats hate, not those who disabled them, but those who keep spines intact.
Ann believes we have entered the age of fear and denouncements, where anyone with a spine is automatically perceived as a fascist, racist, homophobe, Islamophobe, and so on.
Trump is giving American men permission to be men again, to say what they think, and to stand tall without guilt or fear, says Ann. She quotes Billy Graham: “Courage is contagious. When a brave man takes a stand, the spines of others are often stiffened.”
No wonder Graham’s son endorsed Donald Trump. With Trump as president, a new generation of Americans will have a chance to grow up having a spine, with a positive male role model to compensate for their fathers who are either missing or have been neutered. His campaign slogan may as well be, “Men! Take back thy manhood!”
After seven painful years of watching our Commander-in-Chief bunny-hopping down plane and helicopter steps, struggling to lift one-pound barbells, girl-throwing first baseballs in mom jeans, and dressing up in little cowboy outfits, the country needs a masculine reset.
The return of a strong, manly man to our culture will be great news for women, who have grown tired of being single-income mothers, leaders, fighters, and protesters, Ann says. And America will have a chance to get back its emotional and psychological health, confidence, optimism, and positive disposition that’s been missing for too long.
Donald
Trump signs a hat for a supporter after speaking at a campaign rally on
April 11, 2016 in Albany, New York. Picture: Eduardo Munoz
Alvarez/Getty Images/AFPSource:AFP
Colin had a successful international career as a dancer and choreographer, ranging from performing and teaching classical ballet to modern dance, from acting on Broadway to choreographing dances for some of the most famous pop stars, whose names I’m withholding for obvious reasons.
In case anyone is wondering, Colin is not gay and lives with a long-time girlfriend. He also has a sizeable collection of guns, likes hunting and fishing, and drives an SUV. Having been to every corner of the earth, he retired and became my neighbour here in Florida, where we became good friends and have spent many evenings playing music and sharing stories.
Colin never spoke about politics and whenever I or anyone else touched on that subject, he would start singing some silly tune in a loud, raspy voice, ending any possible debate.
That was until this summer, when he decided to support Donald Trump. Not only did he tell this to all his friends and neighbours, some of whom were diehard liberal leftists; he also called everyone in his phone book, encouraging them to vote for Trump as well, thus becoming an unaffiliated Trump campaign volunteer.
His reason for the sudden change of heart was that for the first time in his life he heard a presidential candidate whose words made perfect sense. All the others, according to Colin, were trained weasels giving rehearsed performances, which he could instantly spot with his professional background.
Unlike the rest, Trump spoke off the cuff, didn’t mince words, called things by their real names, and used strong language when necessary, unconcerned about what society and the media would say about that behind his back. I couldn’t help noticing that, in a way, Colin was describing himself. If he were ever to go into politics, he would’ve done it pretty much the same way, except for the hairstyle.
Donald
Trump holds up a sign handed to him by a supporter after speaking at a
campaign rally, Wednesday, April 6, 2016, in Bethpage, New York.
Picture: Julie Jacobson/APSource:AP
Christina has a PhD in literature, but her academic career ended when she evolved from a liberal into an outspoken conservative. All her previous activism in helping the inner city families, being involved in refugee resettlement programs, working with the ACLU, and other liberal credentials didn’t matter anymore.
She became an untouchable and soon lost her job. Since then she has been active in local Republican politics and Tea Party circles, exposing the rot in America’s education system, fighting Common Core, and organising book tours for conservative authors.
She sees Trump as the only candidate who is not buying into the neurotic identity politics that’s currently driving both political parties.
In her experience, identity politics and political correctness are the drivers of fascism in America today. In that sense, Trump is the most anti-fascist candidate in the race — and the most optimistic one, too.
The first Trump rally she attended was different from all other political events she has seen, which usually attract party regulars and the party elite. The people in this crowd weren’t very political; many of them first-timers — those who don’t live and die over the latest little fluff-up in DNC or the GOP or even the Tea Party. Christina thought that was very significant.
There were old people, young families, teenagers, blacks, whites, and a good number of Southeast Asians. This was in Norcross, Georgia, which has one of the most ethnically varied populations in the South and maybe even the U.S.
It’s a major refugee placement site and also attracts immigrants from India, Asia, and Africa. So there are a lot of immigrant entrepreneurs and small business owners in Norcross, and she saw a lot of that actual diversity — including economic diversity — in the crowd, says Christina.
Donald
Trump greets supporters during a rally at Memorial High School in Eau
Claire, Wisconsin, Saturday, April 2, 2016. Picture: Marisa Wojcik/The
Eau Claire Leader-Telegram via APSource:AP
She objects to the description of Trump supporters as angry. There was no love lost for either political party or for the media in that crowd, she says, but the people weren’t angry at all: they were optimistic. It was the sort of optimism people felt when Reagan was elected.
Trump’s message was patriotic and positive, praising America’s virtues and the value of hard work and self-sufficiency. It’s sad that the Republican Party couldn’t see the extraordinarily positive message Trump was delivering, and the positive spirit with which it was received.
At that moment, the election could have been in the GOP’s hands, had they not launched a co-ordinated assault on Trump and his followers.
The editors at National Review and others of their ilk ought to be on their knees celebrating their good luck that someone like Trump has come along at this particular moment in American history. But instead, they’re so angry they’re overturning their sandboxes and pitching tantrums, she says.
Imagine how different this race would be if the GOP hadn’t tried to salt the earth around Trump and his supporters, says Christina. She believes that if they had only remained neutral, the party would currently be growing by leaps and bounds.
The very landscape of the electorate would be shifting towards conservatism and away from liberalism. But it was more important for the party elites to control people than to listen to them.
Oleg Atbashian is a writer and graphic artist from the former USSR who moved to the U.S. in 1994. He is the author of Shakedown Socialism and the creator of satirical website ThePeoplesCube.com, described as “a Stalinist version of The Onion”.
This article originally appeared on American Thinker and was reproduced with permission.
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